From the Editors – Volume 5, No. 2

Well-intentioned or not, international actors are now under more pressure than ever to get it right. And perhaps now more than ever within industrially-developed governments, African development is now viewed as being intricately linked to matters of security. In May 2010 US President Obama suggested that ‚long- term security will come not from our ability to instill fear in other peoples, but through our capacity to speak to their hopes.‛ (NSS, May 2010) Similar views were being expressed in the latter years of the second Bush Administration and now it seems clear: development is not only an issue of concern in remote locations dotted around the globe. In today’s smaller, globalizing world, it is a matter that affects us all. In some ways this could be good news for Africa: the industrially-developed world now has a real and practical reason to care! Real effective policy change could be on its way—but will it be too late? Dambisa Moyo, the Zambian critic of foreign aid, has written that Africans are more than tired and impatient. ‚What would happen,‛ she asks, if that entire ‚aid industry‛ were just taken away?

Would many more millions in Africa die from poverty and hunger? Probably not – the reality is that Africa’s poverty-stricken don’t see aid flows anyway. Would there be more wars, more coups, more despots? Doubtful – without aid, you are taking away a big incentive for conflict. Would roads, schools and hospitals case being built? Unlikely<

Too many African countries have already hit rock bottom – ungoverned, poverty-stricken, and lagging further and further behind the rest of the world each day; there is nowhere further down to go. (Moyo, 2009, 144)

Without doubt, patience is wearing thin. And it is not only Africans who are critical of the aid industry: free-marketeers have long argued that any form of aid to Africa is little more than market distortion, i.e. aid only feeds corruption and delays development.

In the literature of African politics, much of the attention has been on the seemingly unique form of the African state that, due to colonial history and influence, has become little more than a corrupt resource for locals to ‚latch on to‛ if they have the chance. In other words, the colonial administrator built his palace and developed institutional norms to benefit himself, and not the colony within which he resided. And it is that set of norms and expectations which the African leader inherited at independence. The notion that the State ought to serve the Public was essentially an alien concept and, despite any good intentions of the optimistic generation of Africa’s independence, the old colonial norms eventually distorted development, leaving African states and their citizens where they are today.

Given the corrupt reputation of African politics writ large, it should come as no surprise that there is external critique of the African State. Some do for largely ideological, pro-free-trade reasons; others because they remember—hypocritically, some would say!—the corrupt leadership of the Cold War era. Free scholarship from within Africa has been hampered, in many ways, by the corrupt conditions of African politics for decades. Still, to this day, open critiques of certain African politicians and policies can be challenging. And yet the reality of Africa’s crisis has pushed many brave academics to push forward and help identify African State problems and alternative solutions to development when they can be found. The challenge seems to be so daunting that remembering what may have occurred, in terms of trade and development, prior to the establishment of today’s governing norms, might seem impossible.

In that vein, Patience Kabamba of the University of Johannesburg, South Africa, reminds us of the developmental practices of the Nande who have proven to be quite successful without involvement of the state. In many ways, Kabamba’s message is very supportive of the notion that wealth can be generated through trade networks, i.e. the same message that promoters of improved global trade have argued. Yet again, many are understandably leery of any state involvement in private, entrepreneurial affairs. What we normally hear are the pro-free-trade, neo-liberal reasons for removing the state (for reasons of corruption or bloated inefficient bureaucracies). In this article, however, Kabamba provides us with an example of thriving trade absent state involvement, with a decidedly less ideological take on the matter. With great care, Kabamba introduces us to the notion that trust is what is essential to successful entrepreneurial activity. She suggests that the majority of Africans take part in informal social-economic activities, and trust networks are often nurtured by other, non-state, local actors such as the Catholic Church.

Dr. Irene Pogoson, of the University of Ibadan, has provided us with an insightful article on the rapidly changing forms and structure of global diplomacy. While her overarching concern is undoubtedly the well-being of Nigeria in these rapidly changing circumstances, her overarching message is that the traditional forms of state-to-state diplomacy which focused on politics are now challenged, and perhaps being replaced, by new forms of economic diplomacy. Moreover, she argues that state politics are increasingly influenced by ‚civilizational‛ shifts with growing numbers of non- state actors. It is a wonderful, potentially paradigm-challenging piece that truly takes us to the heart of many of today’s diplomatic challenges. Ironically, like Kabamba and so many others, Pogoson ultimately challenges the continued prominence of the central government in African contexts or what she terms the ‚<relative decline of the role of the national governments.‛

Akeem Ayofe Akinwale, of Nigeria’s Covenant University, also brings us ‚down to Earth‛ in his discussion of imposed colonial languages as a barrier to development. , Akinwale essentially suggests that much is lost in translation into the colonizer’s language(s) and that many of the traditional values that helped to keep African societies together are tied to indigenous languages. Ergo, contrary the wisdom of speaking fewer languages, the maintenance and support of indigenous languages would actually help to improve developmental prospects for Africa’s future generations. Akinwale looks at a range of classic Western literature to explain why the imposition of a lingua franca has become the norm in Africa and counters that indigenous languages better address local social norms and possible conflicts among indigenous peoples. Moreover, Akinwale argues that African organizations such as the AU, ECOWAS and NEPAD should consider integrating indigenous languages and ideas in order to achieve improved relevance and local effectiveness.

This is followed by a thought-provoking piece by Erasmus Masitera of Great Zimbabwe University. Like Akinwale, Masitera suggests that the prospects for African development can be improved through indigenous input, in this case the local philosophies such as Ubuntu. But Masitera also considers the ideas of philosophers elsewhere, including those of the world-renowned Amartya Sen. After a careful survey of Hobbesian political philosophy, Masitera suggests that a neo-Hobbesian condition exists in African political contexts where politicians act with impunity. Absent accountability and any sense of social responsibility, it should come as no wonder that many politicians continue as before. Masitera suggests that correcting this will require a more thoughtful consideration of philosophical ideas that promote more holistic and socially responsible views. A ‚humanizing philosophy‛ is required, he says, for us to truly achieve sustainable development.

It is hard not to be moved by the next piece submitted to us by Munamato Chemhuru & Dennis Masaka which considers the abolition of the death penalty in Zimbabwe. The authors survey the history of the issue in the Zimbabwean context, its current legal basis, and ultimately conclude that Zimbabwe should follow the lead of progressive nations around the world that have abolished the death penalty for many reasons. Chemhuru and Masaka survey some of the philosophical reasons why repealing this policy would be more humane and suggest that the volatile political conditions in states like Zimbabwe could, understandably, lead to political abuse of this current law.

Another widely debated issue on African state policy is HIV/AIDS and we recognize the importance of the disease to all matters of development in African contexts. Too many African area experts wrongly draw conclusions on African development without addressing this proverbial ‚elephant in the room.‛ Here, Dr. Koblowe Obono writes of the disturbing trend in media of neglecting the important role of providing what she terms information about HIV/AIDS. Undoubtedly, she suggests, the media plays a crucial role at keeping the public informed on such important issues, and yet they seem to be skirting this responsibility. Reading this piece from outside of Nigeria, one can only wonder at the precise reasons why this is the case. We concur with Obono that by ignoring the problem the HIV/AIDS epidemic can only be expected to continue; revealing the realities, dangers, and options, as other African nations have discovered, is the best way to improve this public health crisis. To the extent that Nigerian politicians and media owners are keeping their heads in the sand over this crucial public health issue, they are failing as public leaders. Moreover, as Obono argues, access to media varies considerablyduetothediversenatureofsomanyAfricancontexts. A successful campaign will therefore require a comprehensive public health strategy by enlightened leadership. In this effort, we at Africana wish them Godspeed!

Nelson Okorie’s contribution demonstrates similar challenges in that could also well be addressed by a better informed public and, ultimately, a better informed public leadership. Okorie’s concern – violence against women – affects all of Africa as well. And as Okorie describes, the issue has received world-wide attention. With our theme of African development in this issue, we could not ignore this important reminder of a widespread social problem in African (and so many other world) contexts. Again, we at Africana recognize the urgency of this and sincerely hope that researchers will be inspired by Okorie’s words.

In a tragic sense, the next piece by Francis Machingura brings the aforementioned issues together in a discussion of polygamy in religious sects in Zimbabwe, like that of Johane Marange. The systematic abuse of women and the prevalence of HIV/AIDS that Machingura reveals are nothing short of shocking. Although one could argue that the popular media should play a role at informing the wider global public of such human tragedies, as argued in several of the preceding pieces, we concur with Machingura that circumstances of this kind also require careful scholarly attention. What conditions, we ask, are necessary for such diabolical circumstances to take hold and persist? The problem he describes is at least partly due to the desperate developmental circumstances of so many Zimbabweans; sociological factors – notably ignorance, poverty, and the lack of life options – undoubtedly contribute to the involvement of so many. But are there other, deeply rooted, historical reasons? Machingura’s research provides interesting insights.

We conclude this issue of Africana with a piece by Segun Oshewolo entitled ‚Poverty Reduction and the Attainment of the MDGs in Nigeria: Problems and Prospects.‛ By doing so, we return to our central theme for this issue: development. We began this note by saying that many free-trade proponents are now ready to make remarkably optimistic claims about African development: contributors to The Economist, the Wall Street Journal, and other like publications now argue that development is taking-off throughout sub-Saharan Africa. But from the perspective of many—and we can include Oshewelo—the process is painfully slow. The word ‚doldrums‛ is used by Oshewelo and so many others to describe the lack of movement on developmental matters; ‚slower than a snail’s pace‛ Oshewelo adds. All the while poverty continues to rise. And when it comes to the trends of poverty on the African continent, the descriptions change; here Oshewelo tells us that it is‚ galloping and, without doubt, getting worse.

Who then, we ask, is telling us the truth? Is African development improving or getting worse? While finding answers to such complicated questions is never easy, it seems clear that, today, it depends on whom you ask. For many human beings living the experience of poverty, disease, and social strife, the optimistic data of free-trade economists matters little. It should then not surprise us that when pressed for a description of what development gurus are up to in African contexts, the local (African) answer often employs the terms ‚ideology‛ or ‚neo-liberalism.‛ As we all know, proponents of any ideology in history – whether it be communism or fascism or other – believed that their solutions were best; their common mistake was to forget the human cost of pursuing their respective policies. Let us all hope that in the pursuit of any policy for, or within, African contexts, the makers of those policies remember the potential down- sides of hell-bent ideology. Yes, the growth data might look better, yet alongside that form of development is the rising impoverishment of the masses. Simply put: when it comes to Africa, it may be that the rich are getting richer as the poor are getting poorer. Whatever the case, we hope this issue of Africana will promote further thinking about developmental issues in Africa.